El Blog de noticias sobre Derecho Anglo-Americano

El Gertrude Ryan Law Observatory ha creado un espacio dedicado al análisis y comentario de
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viernes, 28 de septiembre de 2007

The Washington Post: Magistrados del Tribunal Supremo se excusan sin dar motivos

Supreme Court Recusals
The justices should explain the reasons when they remove themselves from cases.

Friday, September 28, 2007; Page A18
IN MARCH, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. recused himself from what has been billed as the most important securities case to come before the Supreme Court in decades. Last week, he did an about-face, announcing that he will be sitting on the bench when the case of Stoneridge Investment Partners v. Scientific-Atlanta et al. is argued on Oct. 9. Justice Roberts did not explain why he removed himself; nor did he offer an explanation of why he now believes that he can properly participate in the matter. Justice Stephen G. Breyer also recused himself last spring without explanation and remains off the case. This silence is unnecessary and could be counterproductive.

A justice must remove himself from deciding a case if his "impartiality might reasonably be questioned." A financial interest or the significant participation of a close family member in a case could serve as triggers. Justices have traditionally declined to elaborate on why they've stepped aside. One reason: a legitimate concern that revealing the cause for a recusal could empower future litigants to manufacture conflicts -- such as hiring the spouse or child of a justice as a lawyer on the case -- to force the removal of a justice who appears philosophically hostile to their arguments.
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The reason for the recusal of the chief justice and Justice Breyer in the Stoneridge case seems to be routine. As Tony Mauro explained in Legal Times, both justices listed in their 2006 financial disclosure forms an investment of between $50,001 and $100,000 in Cisco Systems, the parent company of Scientific-Atlanta. Mr. Mauro presciently reported that it was likely that one or both of the justices would try to "unrecuse" himself by selling off the Cisco stock.

If stock ownership triggered the recusals, why not say exactly that in a brief contemporaneous statement announcing the recusal -- especially since the ownership or sale of the stock would eventually be revealed in the justices' annual financial disclosure statements?

The court rightly demands absolute secrecy in its deliberations to encourage candid debate and fend off corrupting outside influences. It correctly guards opinions until their official release to prevent unscrupulous parties from using the leaked information for inappropriate gains.

Declining to provide immediate and simple answers to recusal decisions doesn't serve the same lofty public policy goals. Savvy appellate lawyers, many of whom make a career out of arguing cases before the Supreme Court, can easily figure out the unstated reasons for a recusal. Only the public remains in the dark

Editorial de The Washington Post

The Washington Post: Proyecto de ley contra la discriminación laboral por orientación sexual

A Civil Rights Law
Employment discrimination against gays and lesbians should be outlawed.


Friday, September 28, 2007; Page A18
REP. BARNEY FRANK (D-Mass.) is set to introduce two versions of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA) in the House Education and Labor Committee. One would extend civil rights protections based on sexual orientation. The other would do so for gender identity, which would cover transgender people who have changed their sex, are living their lives as the opposite sex or who do not conform to traditional gender roles. This will be done because within the past few days it became clear that an inclusive bill would be defeated because of the transgender protection. Mr. Frank, one of two openly gay members of Congress, deserves credit for devising the plan that might well save the basic bill.

It requires time and patience to educate the public and lawmakers about how prejudice harms some people. That's what gays and lesbians have been doing in their quest for equality for nearly 40 years. And that's what transgender people will have to do. Delaying passage of ENDA, which was first introduced in the House in the mid-1970s by Rep. Bella Abzug (D-N.Y.), until the transgender community changes enough hearts and minds would be a mistake.
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The last time Congress took up ENDA was in 1996, when it failed to clear the Senate by just one vote. It should have passed then, and it most certainly should pass now. The bill will not give "special rights" to homosexuals, as opponents claim. The reality is ENDA will give homosexuals basic civil rights on a federal level. If the legislation is passed, it would be illegal to fire, refuse to hire or refuse to promote an employee because of the person's real or perceived sexual orientation. The prohibition would apply to local, state and federal governments, private employers with 15 or more employees, labor unions and employment agencies. Religious institutions and the military would be exempt from the law. Already, 20 states, 276 municipalities (including the District of Columbia) and 433 companies of the Fortune 500 ban discrimination based on sexual orientation.

Passage of ENDA would send a strong and clear message that employment discrimination based on sexual orientation is wrong. Ultimately, those who work hard and play by the rules should not lose their jobs -- or be denied opportunity -- because of who they are.
Editorial de The Washington Post

The Washington Post: EEUU ofrece a 14 encarcelados en Guantánamo la posibilidad de acceder a abogados

U.S. to Allow Key Detainees to Request Lawyers 14 Terrorism Suspects Given Legal Forms at Guantanamo


By Josh White and Joby WarrickWashington Post Staff Writers Friday, September 28, 2007; Page A01

Fourteen "high-value" terrorism suspects who were transferred to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, from secret CIA prisons last year have been formally offered the right to request lawyers, a move that could allow them to join other detainees in challenging their status as enemy combatants in a U.S. appellate court.


The move, confirmed by Defense Department officials, will allow the suspects their first contact with anyone other than their captors and representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross since they were taken into custody.

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The prisoners, who include Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the alleged mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, have not had access to lawyers during their year at Guantanamo Bay or while they were held, for varying lengths of time, at the secret CIA sites abroad. They were entitled to military "personal representatives" to assist them during the administrative process that determined whether they are enemy combatants.


U.S. officials have argued in court papers against granting lawyers access to the high-value detainees without special security rules, fearing that attorney-client conversations could reveal classified elements of the CIA's secret detention program and its controversial interrogation tactics.


Defense officials gave the detainees "Legal Representation Request" forms during the last week of August and the first week of September, and sources familiar with the process said at least four detainees have requested attorneys.


The form, referring to the Combatant Status Review Tribunal, allows the detainees to say whether they "wish to have a civilian lawyer represent me and assist me with filing a petition to challenge the CSRT determination that I am an Enemy Combatant." The Detainee Treatment Act, enacted in late 2005, gives Guantanamo Bay captives the right to challenge their enemy-combatant designations in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.

The form distributed to the high-value suspects also allows them to request that the American Bar Association "find a lawyer who will represent my best interests, without charge."
William H. Neukom, the association's president, criticized the use of the organization's name on the form, telling government lawyers yesterday that his organization does not want to "lend support and credibility to such an inadequate review scheme."


A Pentagon spokesman said this week that the detainees, like all others at Guantanamo, are provided information on how to request counsel.


"These counsel will be permitted to visit the detainee and engage in confidential written communications with the detainee once the counsel has obtained the necessary security clearance" and agrees to certain special court rules, said Navy Cmdr. J.D. Gordon. One Pentagon official warned that those lawyers will have to undergo especially thorough background checks before they are allowed to see the high-value captives.


Defense and intelligence officials said the decision to allow legal representation does not represent a shift in policy.


"It was the intent and the plan all along that they would have a right to counsel," said a senior intelligence official, who insisted on anonymity because many details of the detention program remain classified. The official said the concerns about protecting sensitive government information apply equally to the 14 men and the approximately 325 other detainees at Guantanamo Bay.


"The goal here is to have the trials open and public to the greatest extent consistent with protecting classified information," the official said.
But lawyers and advocacy groups pressing for legal rights for the detainees contend that there has been a change in tone since last fall, when Justice Department lawyers argued that the detainees might reveal details about their captivity that may "reasonably be expected to cause extremely grave damage" to national security, according to an Oct. 26 court filing.

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One of the 14 special detainees, Majid Khan, 27, who went to high school in the Baltimore area, filled out his form on Sept. 5. He signed the document and added a short handwritten note at the bottom of the page. That note and the fact that the U.S. military had him sign the document have riled defense lawyers who have been attempting to represent Khan for more than a year at the request of his family but who have been denied access to him.


In the note, Khan said that he believes he already has an attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights but that he has never received any official correspondence from that lawyer. The lawyer, Gitanjali Gutierrez, said yesterday that she has written Khan letters over the past year that clearly did not reach him.


"Please send me a lawyer or representative who can brief me with my options," Khan wrote, according to a copy of the form provided to The Washington Post by the Center for Constitutional Rights. "Also please, if you can send me basic introduction criminal law books with all law terms, etc. Also I would like to know what has media said about me and full copy of tribunal CSRT about me, which was available on the Internet. (Thanks in advance)."
The government alleges that Khan took orders from Mohammed, and was asked to research how to poison U.S. reservoirs and how to blow up U.S. gas stations.


Gutierrez said she thinks the effort to connect detainees with lawyers is the Defense Department "trying to put some gloss on the idea that this review process is legitimate and the high-value detainees are being given access to the courts."
"Now it's their opportunity to turn it from a gloss to a reality," Gutierrez said. "But we'll see if they come through."


Staff researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.


Artículo del The Washington Post

FindLaw News: Supremo de EEUU revisará constitucionalidad de ley estatal que exige presentar DNI con foto para votar.

U.S. Supreme Court will decide constitutionality of voter identity law ahead of 2008 elections

MARK SHERMAN Associated Press Writer
(AP) - WASHINGTON-The Supreme Court agreed Tuesday to decide whether voter identification laws unfairly deter the poor and minorities in the United States from voting, stepping into a contentious partisan issue in advance of the 2008 elections.

The justices will hear arguments early next year in a challenge to an Indiana law that requires voters to present photo identification before casting their ballots. The state has defended the law as a way to combat voter fraud.

The state Democratic party and civil rights groups complained that the law unfairly targets poor and minority voters, without any evidence that in-person voter fraud exists in Indiana. The party argued that those voters tend to be Democrats.

Courts have upheld voter identity laws in Arizona and Michigan, but struck down Missouri's. Earlier this month, a federal judge dismissed a challenge to Georgia's voter identification law, saying the statute does not impose a significant burden on the right to vote.

Election law experts had urged the Supreme Court to take the Indiana case to instruct courts on how to weigh claims of voter fraud versus those of disenfranchisement. "The court better resolve this question before ballots start getting counted" in November 2008," said Stanford University law professor Pamela Karlan.

The court is expected to issue a decision by late June, in time for the November 2008 general election.

The Indiana law enacted in 2005 was upheld by a federal judge and by the 7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Chicago. Before the law's passage, an Indiana voter had only to sign a poll book at the polling place, where a photo copy of the voter's signature was kept on file for comparison.

"The purpose of the Indiana law is to reduce voting fraud, and voting fraud impairs the right of legitimate voters to vote by diluting their votes," Judge Richard Posner said in his majority opinion.

But in a dissent, Judge Terence Evans said, "Let's not beat around the bush. The Indiana voter photo ID law is a not-too-thinly veiled attempt to discourage election-day turnout by folks believed to skew Democratic."

Bill Groth, an attorney who has represented the Indiana Democratic Party in the lawsuit, said he was thrilled that the highest U.S. court will take up the case. He said the appeals court made light of the right to vote in its decision, but the Supreme Court has guarded that right more seriously.

"The court has over and over stressed that the right to vote should be protected, and any state law that burdens that right should be carefully and meticulously reviewed," Groth said.
The voter ID challenge was among 17 new cases accepted by the court in advance of the start of its new term on Monday.

Noticia de FindLaw News

The New York Times: Tribunal Supremo de Alabama suspende ejecución por inyección letal

In Alabama, Rare Delay of Inmate’s Execution

By ADAM NOSSITER
Published: September 28, 2007

In a fresh sign that the use of lethal injection in capital punishment faces an uncertain future, the Supreme Court issued an unusual last-minute reprieve for a death-row inmate in Texas late last night.

Tommy Arthur, 65, an inmate on Alabama’s death row. Although the court gave no reason for its decision, the inmate, Carlton Turner Jr., had appealed to the court after it agreed on Tuesday to consider the constitutionality of lethal injection, the most commonly used method of execution in the United States. The decision suggests that until it issues a ruling on lethal injection, the court may be receptive to requests to delay such executions, at least for defendants whose cases raise no procedural issues.

“It’s an indication that the court believes there are real questions about what states are doing in this area,” said Bryan Stevenson, executive director of the Equal Justice Initiative of Alabama, which opposes executions. “What this signals is that the burden is now shifting to the states to do something about all these problems folks have been talking about.”
The vote on the stay of execution was not announced, but at least five justices needed to support it.


Earlier in the day, another rare stay of an execution came in Alabama, where Gov. Bob Riley said the state would not execute an inmate named Tommy Arthur while it came up with a new formula for lethal injection. State officials said they wanted to make sure prisoners were completely unconscious before they were killed.


The full effect of the Supreme Court’s decision is not yet known, but it may interrupt what appears to be emerging as a patchwork, state-by-state response to its decision Tuesday to look at whether lethal injection causes unnecessary suffering.
Some states, even ardent pro-death penalty ones like Alabama, are slowing down. Others, like Texas, had been cruising at full speed; the state executed a prisoner a few hours after the court’s decision on Tuesday and was planning to proceed with its 27th execution of the year last night when the Court intervened. Eleven states have stopped lethal injections altogether, as litigation proceeds.


“It’s going to be a hodgepodge,” said George Kendall, a veteran civil rights lawyer in New York. “Some states will shut down, and in some it will be business as usual.”


All week, Texas officials had maintained that nothing had changed and that executions could proceed. Mr. Turner, 28, of Dallas, was convicted of having fatally shot his adoptive parents in 1998. Another execution is scheduled in the state next week.


Steve Hall, executive director of the StandDown Texas Project, which advocates a moratorium on executions pending a state study, said Tuesday’s execution might have come too soon after the high court’s decision to review lethal injection for the justices to want to intervene in that case. Mr. Hall said he would welcome a stay of all other executions until the court rules on the constitutionality of lethal injection.


The Supreme Court’s decisions this week seemed certain to at least slow the pace, particularly in Southern states. Death penalty lawyers in North Carolina and Virginia, for instance, are already asking for delays both in executions and the development of new procedures for them.
“I think it will hold up quite a few executions,” said Richard C. Dieter of the Death Penalty Information Center, a nonprofit group opposed to capital punishment.
In Alabama, where politicians rarely challenge the death penalty, the state is developing a “consciousness awareness test” for inmates being executed, but state officials maintained that the action was unconnected to the Supreme Court decision.


“Somebody would come in and do something to assess consciousness, after the anesthesia is delivered,” Assistant Attorney General Clay Crenshaw said. For now, he said, "the consciousness-awareness is being done visually by the warden.”


In a separate case next week, a federal judge in Alabama will hear arguments from two death-row inmates that lethal injection is unconstitutional.


Jeff Emerson, a spokesman for Governor Riley, said the change in injection procedures was not related to that case but to a federal judge’s ruling in Tennessee last week that lethal injection in that state “presents a substantial risk of unnecessary pain,” and could “result in a terrifying, excruciating death.”


The judge halted a scheduled execution in Tennessee. Mr. Emerson said Alabama’s execution procedure was similar to Tennessee’s, and thus needed to be altered.


The cases set to be heard next week in Alabama, filed by two death row inmates, Willie McNair and James Callahan, are similar to the Kentucky case that led to the Supreme Court decision. They argue that the condemned prisoner could suffer during the execution because of improper administration of the chemicals.


Ralph Blumenthal contributed reporting from Houston and Linda Greenhouse from Washington.


Artículo de The New York Times

The New York Times: Justicia federal inicia inusual proceso por delito de "obscenidad".

A Prosecution Tests the Definition of Obscenity


By NEIL A. LEWIS
Published: September 28, 2007
PITTSBURGH — Sometime early next year, Karen Fletcher, a 56-year-old recluse living on disability payments, will go on trial in federal court here on obscenity charges for writings distributed on the Internet to about two dozen subscribers.

In an era when pornography has exploded on the Web almost beyond measure, Ms. Fletcher is one of only a handful of people to have been singled out for prosecution on obscenity charges by the Bush administration. She faces six felony counts for operating a Web site called Red Rose, which featured detailed fictional accounts of the molesting, torture and sometimes gruesome murders of children under the age of 10, mostly girls.



How Ms. Fletcher came to be selected for federal prosecution among the countless pornography purveyors is a vivid illustration of the fractured and uncertain state of the enforcement of obscenity law in the nation.

Most prosecutors are generally reluctant to bring obscenity cases, regarding them both as difficult and a diversion of resources better spent on other crimes. Moreover, the explosion of Internet pornography from sources around the world has convinced many law enforcement officials that it is all but impossible to have a significant impact on the issue.


The Fletcher case has been brought by Mary Beth Buchanan, the United States attorney for Western Pennsylvania, who is regarded by many people in the pornography industry and by outside analysts as the government’s most aggressive opponent of the spread of pornography in the nation.


Ms. Buchanan, the 44-year-old daughter of a steelworker who went through law school as a single mother, is disdainful of prosecutors who have avoided taking on obscenity cases. Unlike her counterparts, she said in a recent interview, “I’m not afraid of the challenges, legal or otherwise, here.”


What has attracted the attention of First Amendment scholars and lawyers is that Red Rose — which Ms. Fletcher says is an effort to help her deal with her own pain from child sexual abuse — was composed entirely of text without any images.


Although a narrowly divided Supreme Court said in 1973 that images were not necessary to label a work obscene, there has not been a successful obscenity prosecution in the country that did not involve drawings or photographs since then.


Courts have overturned or blocked convictions connected to other nonillustrated books, including the well-known “Fanny Hill: Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure,” on the basis that sexual images have a fundamentally different impact than words alone.


Prof. Laurence H. Tribe of Harvard Law School, a leading constitutional scholar, said that although the court had not ruled out the possibility that text alone might be obscene, “the idea that the written word alone can be prosecuted pushes to the limit the underlying rationale of the obscenity law.” But Professor Tribe noted that even though the Fletcher case did not involve images, courts might view “patently offensive descriptions of sexual acts with children” as prosecutable under obscenity laws.


About the same time the Fletcher case goes to trial, Ms. Buchanan will be prosecuting a second obscenity trial in the same courthouse involving a large-scale producer of pornographic films called Extreme Associates, based in California. The company’s films depicted women being gang-raped and defecated on.


In addition to those cases, Ms. Buchanan said in the interview that she had several more in the pipeline.


Todd Lochner, an assistant professor at Lewis & Clark College in Portland, Ore., who has written about prosecutorial decision-making in obscenity cases, said that Ms. Buchanan had established herself as the nation’s foremost obscenity prosecutor. “I can’t think of anybody who is as aggressive as she is,” Professor Lochner said.


Ms. Buchanan said she selected cases that she hoped would have deterrent effects on other pornographers.


“We want producers to know that these things are not tolerated,” she said. Ms. Buchanan said that the rarity of obscenity prosecutions during the eight years of the Clinton administration meant that the pornography industry had come to believe that law enforcement had tacitly “agreed to an anything-goes approach.”



Professor Lochner said he doubted Ms. Buchanan’s efforts would have much of a deterrent effect because they were so few that pornography producers had come to regard being prosecuted by her or anyone else as “being struck by lightning.”
While pornography by itself is not illegal, it can be prosecuted as obscenity if it fits the definition laid out by the Supreme Court more than 30 years ago. Under that ruling, Miller v. California, a work may be deemed obscene if, taken as a whole, it lacks artistic, literary or scientific merit, depicts certain conduct in a patently offensive manner, and violates contemporary community standards.


Despite stirring anti-pornography speeches by both heads of the Justice Department during the Bush administration — John Ashcroft and, more recently, Alberto R. Gonzales — there have been fewer than two dozen federal obscenity prosecutions that did not also involve charges of child pornography. The making and possession of child pornography, a separate category, has, however, been prosecuted widely. (Ms. Fletcher is not being prosecuted for any violations of the child pornography laws.)


Michael B. Mukasey, the former federal judge nominated to be the new attorney general, has no history of taking a position on the issue of obscenity, said lawyers from both liberal and conservative groups who have researched his record. Ms. Buchanan said the Fletcher Web site and the Extreme Associates videos were “way beyond patently offensive.”


Ms. Fletcher’s lawyers argued that courts should finally declare that text-only works are not obscene. But Judge Joy F. Conti of Federal District Court here ruled on Aug. 30 that a 2005 appellate court victory for Ms. Buchanan in the Extreme Associates case ruled out that possibility. The United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit ruled that trial judges are still obligated to follow long-established obscenity definitions until and unless the Supreme Court explicitly rejects it.


The Fletcher trial is likely to focus on the defense’s main argument, that Ms. Fletcher’s stories, however lurid, have some literary and scientific merit. Lawrence G. Walters, a Florida lawyer who is part of the defense team for Ms. Fletcher, argued in a court pleading that the stories had scientific value because they demonstrated the thinking of child predators.


In an affidavit, Ms. Fletcher described herself as a victim of child sexual abuse and said that writing her stories helped alleviate her torment.


Ms. Fletcher, who lives in Donora, Pa., in a ramshackle house, said she ran away from home at 14. She said she wanted her Web site to be a “safe place for cathartic writing, for people to express themselves and use their own imagery, not to have pictures to potentially excite and be suggestive to readers.”


The indictment, which has the potential for a long prison term, charges Ms. Fletcher with commercial involvement with obscenity because she charged people $10 to join her group. Jerome Mooney, another of her lawyers, argued in court that the fee barely covered her expenses and was imposed only because she believed using a credit card requirement would prevent minors from signing into the site. In the end, only 29 people subscribed, at least one of whom is likely to have been a police informant.


In their brief, the defense lawyers argued that the Fletcher stories, however lurid, were also comparable to many scenes found in literature and television. They cited the 1962 novel “A Clockwork Orange,” by Anthony Burgess, and episodes of the cartoon show “South Park.” They also cited a scene in a 1996 novel by I. Lewis Libby Jr., the former chief of staff to Vice President Dick Cheney, in which a 10-year-old girl is placed in a cage with a bear who forces himself upon her sexually to habituate her to sexual submission.


The lawyers argued that Ms. Fletcher’s stories were no more lurid than the novel by Mr. Libby.



Artículo de The New York Times

The Wall Street Journal: Juez federal critica el actual régimen penal corporativo de Estados Unidos

KPMG Judge Questions Laws,Tactics Used in Corporate Cases

By EVAN PEREZSeptember 28, 2007; Page A6

WASHINGTON -- The federal judge in the case involving allegedly fraudulent tax shelters marketed by KPMG LLP said it may be time to re-examine laws governing corporate criminal liability and the tactics used by prosecutors to investigate those cases.

U.S. District Judge Lewis A. Kaplan, speaking at a National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers seminar, said the KPMG case and others, such as the government's prosecution of Adelphia Communications Corp. executives, raise questions about the government's practice of using the threat of criminal prosecution of companies in order to gain leverage in investigations of alleged wrongdoing by company employees.

He said the laws appear to give expansive power to prosecutors, lessening the oversight of courts and juries, at the expense of the constitutional rights of those accused. "I question whether placing virtually unchecked power in the hands of any branch of government" is the right thing, Judge Kaplan said.

The judge drew national attention last year when he ruled that prosecutors violated the constitutional rights of KPMG partners when the government pressured the firm to cut off legal fees for some of the defendants, comprising 16 partners and two others charged in what the government touted as its largest-ever tax-fraud case. In July, Judge Kaplan dismissed charges against 13 defendants. Justice Department officials next month are expected to file an appeal of the ruling.

The Justice Department denies its tactics were unconstitutional, but the ruling helped prompt an overhaul in the department's guidelines for white-collar cases. The department's McNulty memorandum, named for former Deputy Attorney General Paul J. McNulty, who oversaw the changes, was supposed to provide more oversight of prosecutors and, lawyers hoped, cut down on the practice of pushing companies to waive attorney-client privilege in order to aid investigations.

With the Justice Department on the defensive on various issues related to the tenure of former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, Congress has started work on possible changes to aspects of the McNulty memo. Judge Kaplan, in response to a question, said he didn't believe the McNulty memo changed "a whole lot," but said proposed legislation to alter Justice guidelines may not be enough.

Judge Kaplan's appearance yesterday at the defense-lawyers event, given that he continues to hear the KPMG case, raised eyebrows among some lawyers in attendance. In 2001, an appeals court reprimanded a judge handling a case involving Microsoft Corp. for making comments to reporters away from the bench.

A spokeswoman for the U.S. attorney of the Southern District of New York, which is overseeing the KPMG case, declined to comment.

Daniel Richman, a Columbia Law School professor, said Judge Kaplan's comments mirrored those already being raised by "serious legal commentators" and bear more discussion. John Moscow, a former prosecutor in the Manhattan district attorney's office turned defense attorney at Baker Hostetler, who didn't hear the judge's speech but has followed the issue, doubted the government would make any attempt to remove Judge Kaplan from the KPMG case or to use his comments to bolster its appeal of the judge's ruling.

--Paul Davies contributed to this article.
Write to Evan Perez at evan.perez@wsj.com