El Blog de noticias sobre Derecho Anglo-Americano

El Gertrude Ryan Law Observatory ha creado un espacio dedicado al análisis y comentario de
temas de actualidad en el mundo jurídico de los Estados Unidos, orientado a promover y
fomentar la universalización del Derecho en todas sus áreas


martes, 30 de octubre de 2007

El País: Gobierno iraquí retira inmunidad a contratistas de seguridad americanos

El Gobierno iraquí aprueba la ley para retirar la inmunidad a las empresas de seguridad extranjeras

Una de estas compañías, Blackwater, está implicada en la muerte de 17 iraquíes en un tiroteo

REUTERS - Bagdad - 30/10/2007
El Gobierno iraquí ha aprobado hoy una ley con la que retira la inmunidad a las empresas de seguridad privada, según ha anunciado el portavoz del ejecutivo, Ali Al Dabbagh. Así, este tipo de empresas, cuyas actuaciones a veces bordean la legalidad, podrán ser perseguidas por los tribunales iraquíes.

La decisión se produce apenas un mes después de que agentes de una de estas empresas, la estadounidense Blackwater, que bajo el paraguas de empresa de seguridad emplea mercenarios, mataran a 17 iraquíes en un tiroteo. Aunque no ha sido el único incidente en el que se han visto envueltas estas empresas, sí ha sido el más sonado, y colmó la paciencia del Gobierno iraquí, que estima que los miembros de estas empresas actúan en ocasiones como ejércitos privados que no rinden cuentas a nadie.

Por ello, ha aprobado una ley que deroga la Orden 17, una controvertida medida que puso en marcha en 2004 la Autoridad Provisional estadounidense tras la invasión del país y antes de ceder formalmente el poder a los iraquíes. Esta Orden daba a los contratistas extranjeros del Gobierno iraquí inmunidad en su actuación, de forma que no podían ser juzgados en el país.

"El Gabinete ha aprobado una ley que pone a las empresas no iraquíes y a sus empleados bajo la ley iraquí", ha explicado Dabbagh tras una reunión del Gabinete. La ley ha sido ahora enviada al Parlamento iraquí para su aprobación definitiva. Según la nueva ley, los agentes de estas empresas podrán ser registrados en los controles de las fuerzas de seguridad iraquíes y se les obliga a llevar encima sus licencias de armas. Además, las empresas de seguridad tendrán que registrarse en Irak.

Washington Post: Trabas en el caso Blackwater

Immunity Jeopardizes Iraq Probe
Guards' Statements Cannot Be Used in Blackwater Case

By Karen DeYoungWashington Post Staff Writer Tuesday, October 30, 2007; 9:41 AM
Potential prosecution of Blackwater guards allegedly involved in the shooting deaths of 17 Iraqi civilians last month may have been compromised because the guards received immunity for statements they made to State Department officials investigating the incident, federal law enforcement officials said yesterday.
FBI agents called in to take over the State Department's investigation two weeks after the Sept. 16 shootings cannot use any information gleaned during questioning of the guards by the department's Bureau of Diplomatic Security, which is charged with supervising security contractors.

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Some of the Blackwater guards have subsequently refused to be interviewed by the FBI, citing promises of immunity from State, one law enforcement official said. The restrictions on the FBI's use of their initial statements do not preclude prosecution by the Justice Department using other evidence, the official said, but "they make things a lot more complicated and difficult."

Under State Department contractor rules, Diplomatic Security agents are charged with investigating and reporting on all "use of force" incidents. Although there have been previous Blackwater shootings over the past three years -- none of which resulted in prosecutions -- the Sept. 16 incident was by far the most serious. The Bureau of Diplomatic Security was under pressure to quickly determine what had happened in what soon became a major controversy in Baghdad and Washington.

It is unclear when or by whom the grant of immunity was explained to the guards. Under federal case law applying to government workers, only voluntary answers to questions posed by the employing agency can be used against them in a criminal prosecution. If an employee is ordered to answer under threat of disciplinary action, the resulting statements cannot be used.
"You can't use the fruits of that statement," another law enforcement official said. "It doesn't prevent them from talking [to the FBI], but . . . why run the risk? I think any lawyer would advise against it. "

Diplomatic Security spokesman Brian Leventhal declined to comment on the situation, first reported yesterday by the Associated Press. Anne Tyrrell, a spokeswoman for North Carolina-based Blackwater Worldwide, also declined to comment.

State Department spokesman Sean McCormack referred all questions to the Justice Department. "But if anyone has broken the rules or applicable laws, they should be held to account," McCormack said.

Blackwater chief executive Erik Prince has said the personal security guards, contracted by the State Department from his company to protect U.S. diplomats in Iraq, came under fire in a Baghdad traffic circle and shot only in self-defense. But the Iraqi government, which has conducted its own investigation, concluded that the Blackwater guards fired the only shots in the incident and were completely at fault. A U.S. military investigation also concluded that the shootings were unprovoked.

Amid growing diplomatic tension and congressional criticism, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice asked the FBI to take over the case to avoid an appearance of a conflict of interest between the department's Diplomatic Security agents in Baghdad and the Blackwater personnel they supervise.

Although the FBI maintains an office at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, a team of Washington-based agents was dispatched as additional insurance against what one administration official called a possible "taint" on the investigation's objectivity. To ensure a firewall, FBI investigators were barred from reading interviews and reports on the incident gathered by Diplomatic Security agents.

Several of the Blackwater personnel, however, asserted that they had already told their stories, under immunity grants from the State Department, and declined FBI interviews that could be used against them, law enforcement officials said.
The immunity claim rests on what are called "Garrity warnings" and "Kalkines warnings," both named after federal court cases from the 1960s and '70s that recognized the special circumstances of government employees in criminal cases involving their jobs. "The government wears two hats" when it launches internal criminal investigations, one law enforcement official said. The rulings were intended to protect the rights of government employees.

The FBI investigators sent to Baghdad are due to return to Washington early this week and will then turn the information they gathered over to the Justice Department, which will decide whether prosecution is warranted. An earlier case, involving the shooting of a bodyguard of an Iraqi vice president by a Blackwater contractor last Christmas Eve, was referred to Justice months ago, but there has been no prosecution.

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Law enforcement officials have said it is unclear whether the contractors are liable under any U.S. law. The administration has said it opposes a bill passed by the House last month that would place State Department contractors under laws that currently apply only to Pentagon contractors.

Administration officials have said that the Christmas Eve case has languished because of the legal uncertainties. But in congressional testimony last week, Rice said that the holdup was "not the absence of law . . . it's a question of evidence."

Private contractors have been immune from Iraqi prosecution under an order promulgated by the U.S. occupation government in 2004. This morning, however, Iraq's cabinet approved a law that would remove such immunity, Reuters reported.

Iraqi government spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh told the wire service that the new law, which has been referred to parliament, would allow the prosecution of foreign security companies for alleged wrongdoing. It would also make foreign guards subject to searches at Iraqi security force checkpoints and require them to carry weapons licenses. Foreign security companies would also have to register in Iraq.

"The cabinet has approved a law that will put non-Iraqi firms and those they employ under Iraqi law," Dabbagh said.

It was not immediately clear whether the new law would have any impact on investigations of security firm actions that took place before its passage.
Staff writer Dan Eggen contributed to this report.

Washignton Post: Daños Punitivos de Exxon Valdez ante el Supremo

Justices to Examine Punitive Damages In Exxon Oil Spill

By Robert BarnesWashington Post Staff Writer Tuesday, October 30, 2007; Page A03
The worst oil spill in U.S. history begat the costliest punishment in U.S. history, but the Supreme Court agreed yesterday to decide whether Exxon Mobil has been penalized too much for the environmental damage caused when the Exxon Valdez ran aground in pristine Alaskan waters in 1989.

The court agreed to consider the $2.5 billion in punitive damages approved by a federal appeals court for a group of nearly 33,000 fishermen, landowners and others who brought a suit over the environmental disaster.

Fishing boats connected to an oil skimmer by containment booms, patrol the waters off Erlington Island on Prince William Sound, Alaska, in this April 12, 1989 file photo, as workers continues to clean up crude left over from the spill of the tanker Exxon Valdez. The Supreme Court on Monday, Oct. 29, 2007, agreed to decide whether Exxon Mobil Corp. should pay $2.5 billion in punitive damages in connection with the huge Exxon Valdez oil spill that fouled more than 1,200 miles of Alaskan coastline in 1989. output += ' will be displayed with your comment.'
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Even though the punishment is only half the $5 billion originally awarded by a federal jury in Alaska in 1994, it is still the largest-ever U.S. punitive damages total. The award is on top of the $3.4 billion the company said it has paid in cleanup costs and other penalties for the oil spill, which polluted 1,200 miles of Alaskan coastline.

That, said the company's petition to the court, filed by Washington lawyer Walter Dellinger, is "more than enough to deter and punish anyone for anything."

Dellinger said in the petition that the damages award is not only the largest in history but also "larger than the total of all punitive damages awards affirmed by all federal appellate courts in our history."

Anchorage lawyer David W. Oesting countered in his brief opposing Exxon Mobil's appeal that the amount "represents barely more than three weeks of Exxon's current net profits."

The Supreme Court was urged to take the case by an array of business interests, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which said last year that these justices are the most friendly to business in years.

But in taking the case, the court said it will not consider whether the punitive damages award is so large that it violates the Constitution's guarantee of due process, as Exxon Mobil had asked; other business defendants have used that argument in trying to reduce jury awards.
Instead, the justices will consider whether the Clean Water Act and maritime laws allow for punitive damages, and if so, whether the award is excessive.

Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. did not take part in the decision to hear the case. Although he gave no reason, his 2006 financial disclosure statement shows that he owns considerable Exxon Mobil stock. If only eight justices hear the case and they deadlock -- as happened earlier this term -- the award will stand.

At the 83-day trial in 1994, the group suing Exxon presented evidence showing that ship captain Joseph Hazelwood was drunk at the time the Valdez ran aground in Prince William Sound and had turned over control of the ship to someone unfamiliar with the bay's reefs. More than 11 million gallons of oil spilled.

"Unlike any other shipowner of which we are aware," Oesting wrote in his brief, "Exxon placed a relapsed alcoholic, who it knew was drinking aboard its ships, in command of an enormous vessel carrying toxic cargo across treacherous and resource-rich waters."

But the company's petition argued that the decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit to uphold the punitive damages award "based on the misconduct of a vessel's master, contrary to the shipowner's policy and hostile to its vital interests, departs from the maritime-law rule to which every other circuit confronting this issue adheres."
The case is Exxon Shipping Co. v. Grant Baker (07-219).

lunes, 29 de octubre de 2007

The New York Times: Congreso autoriza espionaje telefónico

Op-Ed Contributor
The Wiretap This Time


Anthony Russo

EARLIER this month, the Senate Intelligence Committee and the White House agreed to allow the executive branch to conduct dragnet interceptions of the electronic communications of people in the United States. They also agreed to “immunize” American telephone companies from lawsuits charging that after 9/11 some companies collaborated with the government to violate the Constitution and existing federal law. I am a plaintiff in one of those lawsuits, and I hope Congress thinks carefully before denying me, and millions of other Americans, our day in court.

During my lifetime, there has been a sea change in the way that politically active Americans view their relationship with government. In 1920, during my youth, I recall the Palmer raids in which more than 10,000 people were rounded up, most because they were members of particular labor unions or belonged to groups that advocated change in American domestic or foreign policy. Unrestrained surveillance was used to further the investigations leading to these detentions, and the Bureau of Investigation — the forerunner to the F.B.I. — eventually created a database on the activities of individuals. This activity continued through the Red Scare of the period.

In the 1950s, during the sad period known as the McCarthy era, one’s political beliefs again served as a rationale for government monitoring. Individual corporations and entire industries were coerced by government leaders into informing on individuals and barring their ability to earn a living.

I was among those blacklisted for my political beliefs. My crime? I had signed petitions. Lots of them. I had signed on in opposition to Jim Crow laws and poll taxes and in favor of rent control and pacifism. Because the petitions were thought to be Communist-inspired, I lost my ability to work in television and radio after refusing to say that I had been “duped” into signing my name to these causes.

By the 1960s, the inequities in civil rights and the debate over the Vietnam war spurred social justice movements. The government’s response? More surveillance. In the name of national security, the F.B.I. conducted warrantless wiretaps of political activists, journalists, former White House staff members and even a member of Congress.

Then things changed. In 1975, the hearings led by Senator Frank Church of Idaho revealed the scope of government surveillance of private citizens and lawful organizations. As Americans saw the damage, they reached a consensus that this unrestrained surveillance had a corrosive impact on us all.

In 1978, with broad public support, Congress passed the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which placed national security investigations, including wiretapping, under a system of warrants approved by a special court. The law was not perfect, but as a result of its enactment and a series of subsequent federal laws, a generation of Americans has come to adulthood protected by a legal structure and a social compact making clear that government will not engage in unbridled, dragnet seizure of electronic communications.

The Bush administration, however, tore apart that carefully devised legal structure and social compact. To make matters worse, after its intrusive programs were exposed, the White House and the Senate Intelligence Committee proposed a bill that legitimized blanket wiretapping without individual warrants. The legislation directly conflicts with the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution, requiring the government to obtain a warrant before reading the e-mail messages or listening to the telephone calls of its citizens, and to state with particularity where it intends to search and what it expects to find.

Compounding these wrongs, Congress is moving in a haphazard fashion to provide a “get out of jail free card” to the telephone companies that violated the rights of their subscribers. Some in Congress argue that this law-breaking is forgivable because it was done to help the government in a time of crisis. But it’s impossible for Congress to know the motivations of these companies or to know how the government will use the private information it received from them.
And it is not as though the telecommunications companies did not know that their actions were illegal. Judge Vaughn Walker of federal district court in San Francisco, appointed by President George H. W. Bush, noted that in an opinion in one of the immunity provision lawsuits the “very action in question has previously been held unlawful.”

I have observed and written about American life for some time. In truth, nothing much surprises me anymore. But I always feel uplifted by this: Given the facts and an opportunity to act, the body politic generally does the right thing. By revealing the truth in a public forum, the American people will have the facts to play their historic, heroic role in putting our nation back on the path toward freedom. That is why we deserve our day in court.

Studs Terkel is the author of the forthcoming “Touch and Go: A Memoir.”

Washington Post: Exxon Valdez en la mira del Supremo

Supreme Court to Hear Exxon Valdez Case

By William BraniginWashington Post Staff Writer Monday, October 29, 2007; 1:00 PM

The Supreme Court today agreed to hear an appeal by Exxon Mobil Corp. that seeks to overturn $2.5 billion in punitive damages a federal court ordered the company to pay for the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill off Alaska.

Stepping into the long-running dispute between the world's largest publicly traded oil company and more than 30,000 class-action plaintiffs, the court separately rejected the plaintiffs' appeal to reinstate the trial jury's original award of $5 billion in punitive damages. The 1994 award ultimately was cut in half during an appeals process that reached the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit, which issued its ruling in December.

Fishing boats connected to an oil skimmer by containment booms, patrol the waters off Erlington Island on Prince William Sound, Alaska, in this April 12, 1989 file photo, as workers continues to clean up crude left over from the spill of the tanker Exxon Valdez. The Supreme Court on Monday, Oct. 29, 2007, agreed to decide whether Exxon Mobil Corp. should pay $2.5 billion in punitive damages in connection with the huge Exxon Valdez oil spill that fouled more than 1,200 miles of Alaskan coastline in 1989. (AP Photo/John Gaps III, File) (John Gaps Iii - AP)

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Exxon Mobil argues that the $2.5 billion punitive award violates federal maritime law, and the Supreme Court agreed to take the case to settle that question. The justices declined to consider an argument that the award was so large that it violates the Constitution.
Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. recused himself from the case without explanation. According to his 2006 financial disclosure report, he owned between $100,000 and $250,000 in Exxon Mobil stock as of Dec. 31.

Exxon Mobil asserts that it has been sufficiently punished for the oil spill, which occurred when the Exxon Valdez, a 900-foot oil tanker carrying 53 million gallons of crude oil, ran into a reef in Alaska's Prince William Sound in March 1989. The captain, Joseph Hazelwood, the only person on board with a special license to navigate the portion of the waterway containing the dangerous reef, turned over the wheel to the tanker's third mate and left the bridge. When the third mate was unable to execute the turn properly and hit the reef, the tanker's hull split open and 11 million gallons of crude gushed into the sound.

Massive pollution ensued, and the company eventually paid more than $3.4 billion in cleanup costs, environmental restoration payments, criminal fines and out-of-court settlements to private parties claiming economic damages.


But nearly 33,000 commercial fishermen, private landowners, cannery workers, Native Alaskans, local governments and businesses filed a class-action lawsuit. They argued that Exxon knew Hazelwood had sought treatment for alcoholism and was drinking aboard its ships, but nevertheless put him in charge of a huge vessel carrying "toxic cargo across treacherous and resource-rich waters."

Exxon argued that it should not be held responsible for mistakes by Hazelwood, who it said violated company rules.

A jury in Anchorage sided with the plaintiffs in 1994, awarding them $5 billion in punitive damages from Exxon and $5,000 from Hazelwood, on top of $287 million in compensatory damages. During subsequent appeals, the punitive award was cut to $4 billion, raised to $4.5 billion, and ultimately reduced to $2.5 billion, which the Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit said was the maximum it could impose.

In seeking Supreme Court review, Exxon Mobil argued that the $3.4 billion it paid in cleanup and other costs was "more than enough to deter and punish anyone for anything." It said the $2.5 billion punitive award, the largest ever upheld by a federal appellate court, was not allowed under federal maritime law.

Lawyers for the plaintiffs contended that the large punitive award was justified by the widespread damage caused by the oil spill, which polluted more than 1,200 miles of Alaskan coastline, forced the closure of fisheries and resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of birds and thousands of marine mammals.

Besides, the plaintiff's lawyers have argued, the oil giant can easily afford the punitive damages, given the company's record profits in recent years. In 2006, Exxon Mobil recorded a profit of $39.5 billion, surpassing its previous record from 2005 by more than $3 billion. The 2006 figure was the largest annual profit ever posted by a U.S. company.

The Supreme Court is expected to rule in the case, Exxon Shipping Co. v. Baker, by the end of June.

SCOTUSblog: Exxon Valdez ante el Supremo

Court to rule on Exxon Valdez verdict
Monday, October 29th, 2007 10:03 am Lyle Denniston

The Supreme Court agreed on Monday to rule on the legality of the $2.5 billion punitive damages award against Exxon Mobil Corp. and its shipping subsidiary for the massive oil spill in Alaska’s Prince William Sound in 1989 — an incident that has sparked a 13-year courtroom battle over money damages. The Court limited its review to issues involving maritime law, declining to hear a claim that the verdict was excessive under the Constitution’s Due Process Clause. The Court also refused to hear a cross-appeal, seeking to reinstate an earlier $5 billion damages award.

Click on the following links to read the petition for certiorari, brief in opposition, and petitioner’s reply, as well as amicus briefs (all supporting the petitioner) from the American Waterways Operators, International Association of Independent Tanker Owners, American Petroleum Institute, Chamber of Commerce, American Institute of Marine Underwriters, Keystone Shipping, American Commercial Lines, Washington Legal Foundation, International Association of Drilling Contractors, Transportation Institute, International Chamber of Shipping, Maritime Law Association, and a group of professors.

In a second grant, the Court said it would decide whether the Federal False Claims Act applies only to claims of misspent funds when those claims are presented to a federal government agency, or whether it also covers claims submitted to a federal contractor if the claim ultimately will be paid with federal money. The case is Allison Engine v. U.S. ex rel. Sanders (07-214). Click on the following links to read the petition for certiorari and brief in opposition, as well as an amicus brief from the Chamber of Commerce. This is an appeal by a group of four defense subcontractors who supplied generators to power a class of Navy guided missile destroyers — the Arleigh Burke Class. The lower courts are split on the question at stake.
That and the Exxon case were the only ones granted.

In agreeing to hear the Exxon appeal, the Court indicated it would decide whether the company should be freed of any punitive damages award on the theory that it was based solely upon judge-made maritime law in contradiction of decades of legal history — an issue that the appeal says has divided the lower courts. Also included in the grant will be the difference between the Clean Air Act, in which Congress specified penalties for maritime conduct but did not include punitive damages, and the ruling in this case awarding punitive damages based on federal maritime law. Further, the case raises the issue of whether, if maritime law does govern, this specific award is too high because it is said to be “larger than the total of all punitive damages awards affirmed by all federal appellate courts in our history.” That was the third of three questions Exxon had raised in its petition, but the appeal also included in that question a test of whether a verdict of that size was unconstitutional; it is that latter point that the Court did not agree to hear. The appeal is Exxon Shipping Co., et al., v. Baker, et al. (07-219).

The case does raise the prospect that the Court could split 4-4, thus upholding the verdict, because Justice Samuel A. Alito, Jr., is recused from the case, according to the Court’s grant order. Alito’s past financial disclosure statements have indicated he owns a sizeable amount of Exxon Mobil stock, according to Bloomberg News.

The second case growing out of the 1989 accident, a plea by individuals who had sued Exxon and its shipping unit, had sought reinstatement of a full $5 billion damages award, originally assessed by a District judge and upheld by the Ninth Circuit Court, but later cut in half by the Circuit Court. That cross-appeal was Baker, et al., v. Exxon Mobile Corp., et al. (07-276). Justice Alito also did not take part in the unexplained order denying review.

Exxon Mobil, in a news release discussing the Court’s action, said that it had already spent more than $3.5 billion in “compensatory payments, cleanup payments, settlements and fines.” Thus, it said, the case “has never been about compensating people for actual damages.” The ship’s captain at the time of the incident, Joseph Hazelwood, was later convicted of negligently spilling the oil, but was found not guilty of operating the ship while drunk. Exxon Mobil claims that he violated company policy in leaving the bridge of the Exxon Valdez before she went aground on Bligh Reef, spilling 11 million gallons (about 258,000 barrels) of oil.

The case before the Justices does not involve any claims for the environmental damage; that was resolved in earlier actions by the federal and Alaska state governments. Exxon Mobil also has paid off other private interests with $300 million in settlement payments. The Ninth Circuit’s decision to cut in half the $5 billion verdict was based, in part, upon that Court’s conclusion that it bore only a 5 to 1 ratio of the $500 million in estimated economic harms. The spilling of the oil was found not to have been intentional. The award of punitive damages was made in a case involving a class of 32,677 commercial fishermen, private landowners and Native Americans.

Because the case was proceeding in federal court, the normal basis for punitive damages — state tort law — did not apply. Thus, the claim for damages was based upon the assertion of a maritime tort under federal law that is fashioned largely by court decisions, rather than by federal statute.

Among other actions taken Monday, the Court, in an unusual order, with seven of the nine Justices not taking part, summarily upheld a D.C. Circuit Court ruling that those Justices had immunity to a civil damages claim of $75,000 by a Washington, D.C., attorney who has challenged the Court for an earlier refusal to hear his case. Since those seven members of the Court were directly sued, they were recused; under federal law, when the Court does not have a quorum (six Justices minimum), the effect is to affirm the lower court ruling. The attorney, Montgomery Blair Sibley, had sued the Justices after they had denied review of a case involving a domestic relations and child custody dispute. In Monday’s order, no Justice made any comment on the merits of the Circuit Court ruling being affirmed. The case was Sibley v. Breyer, et al. (07-6522).

Among the cases on which review was denied Monday were these:
** The constitutionality of a state business profits tax that treats dividends paid to U.S. companies by foreign subsidiaries differently, based upon whether those foreign units do business within the state. The case was General Electric v. Commissioner, New Hampshire Department of Revenue Administration (06-1210). The U.S. Solicitor General, asked by the Court for the government’s views on the case, urged a denial.

** A test of whether a worker suing for discrimination in the workplace must show that every non-discriminatory reason the management gave for its action was merely a pretext for bias. The appeal sought a ruling that it should be sufficient if a worker is able to discount one such reason as a pretext. Crawford v. Fairburn, GA (07-233).

** A claim that it violates the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination if prosecutors use a suspect’s silence before being given Miranda warnings, as evidence of guilt. Salinas v. U.S. (07-36).

** An appeal seeking to reinstate a lawsuit by private individuals in the U.S. and Canada seeking to recover one of Vincent van Gogh’s late paintings, ultimately acquired by Hollywood actress Elizabeth Taylor. The descendants of a German woman who acquired the painting in 1907 claimed that the work was looted by the Nazis. The Ninth Circuit rejected the lawsuit, which had been based on Holocaust property-recovery law, on the theory that the law did not create the remedy of private lawsuits. The case was Orkin, et al., v. Taylor (07-216).

The Wall Street Journal: Musulmanes sufren abusos por su fé

Court to Hear Harassment Case

Later Monday, justices will hear arguments in the case of a Muslim who alleges harassment in prisons and jails because of this faith.

The issue in the inmate's lawsuit is whether he can sue prison officials for allegedly confiscating two copies of his Quran and his prayer rug.

Abdus-Shahid M.S. Ali, a convicted murderer, says the books and rug are among the personal items that have been missing since 2003, when he was moved from a federal penitentiary in Atlanta to a facility at Inez, Ky.

Muslim inmates have been subjected to "very hard times and bad treatment" at the hands of federal, state and local prison employees because of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Mr. Ali says in court papers.

Mr. Ali is serving a sentence of 20 years to life in prison for committing first-degree murder in the District of Columbia.

Mr. Ali said that because he has "practiced his faith to the fullest" he has been subjected to prison officials repeatedly confiscating and destroying his legal and religious property. He said he has been harassed for his religious beliefs "year after year" in both the District of Columbia Department of Corrections and the U.S. Bureau of Prisons. Mr. Ali says the items he turned over to prison officers in Atlanta for shipment never arrived at Inez.

In the Supreme Court, the question is whether federal prison officials qualify as law-enforcement officers and are therefore exempt from suit under the Federal Tort Claims Act of 1946. The statute bars liability claims against law enforcement officers involved in detaining property. Two lower federal courts ruled against Mr. Ali.

Besides the two copies of the Quran and the prayer rug, Mr. Ali is missing stamps and other personal items valued at $177 that he says weren't sent along to Big Sandy penitentiary in Kentucky. Ali v. Federal Bureau of Prison

The Wall Street Journal: Caso Exxon Valdez ante el Supremo

High Court to ReviewExxon Valdez Case

Associated PressOctober 29, 2007 10:13 a.m.
WASHINGTON -- The Supreme Court on Monday stepped into the long-running battle over the $2.5 billion in punitive damages owed by Exxon Mobil Corp. for the Exxon Valdez oil spill in 1989.

The justices said they would consider whether the company should have to pay any punitive damages at all. If the court decides some money is due, Exxon is arguing that $2.5 billion is excessive under laws governing shipping and prior high court decisions limiting punitive damages.

Eleven millions gallons of oil spilled into Alaska's Prince William Sound when the supertanker ran aground on a reef. A federal appeals court already had cut in half the $5 billion in damages awarded by a jury in 1994. The damages were, by far, the largest ever approved by federal appeals judges, the company said in its brief to the court.

The case probably will be heard in the spring. The court's last ruling on punitive damages, in February, set aside a nearly $80 million judgment against Altria Group Inc.'s Philip Morris USA. The money was awarded to the widow of a smoker in Oregon.

viernes, 26 de octubre de 2007

The Wall Street Journal: Juicio contra Princeton para revocar donación

Ruling May Cost PrincetonMillions if Heirs Win Case

By JOHN HECHINGEROctober 26, 2007; Page B6
A New Jersey judge cleared the way for a trial that will decide whether the children of a major donor to Princeton University can take back a gift now valued at $880 million and give it to other charities.

The lawsuit -- pitting the Ivy League school against the offspring of an alumnus who gave to its prestigious Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs -- is the biggest dispute over donor intent in higher education and has riveted big givers and university fund-raising offices.

The children of the late Charles and Marie Robertson, who donated $35 million in 1961, say Princeton failed to use the money for its intended purpose: training graduate students at the school to serve in federal government, particularly in foreign relations. Through investment growth, the gift is now valued at $880 million, almost 6% of Princeton's $15.8 billion endowment.
The current generation of Robertsons, heirs of the A&P supermarket fortune, claim Princeton spent $207 million outside the mission authorized by the gift, which is kept in a separate foundation. The university says it has been faithful to the terms of the gift, though it has acknowledged errors in a small number of cases.

Princeton made a pretrial motion seeking a ruling that the school, as a matter of law, was intended to be the "sole beneficiary" of the gift. A ruling in its favor would have eliminated the possibility of losing the entire gift.

But yesterday, New Jersey Superior Court Judge Neil H. Shuster denied the motion and said Princeton could lose all of the money if the Robertsons prove their case. He added that such an outcome "may only be appropriate to remedy the most egregious and nefarious of circumstances," which remains to be proved at trial.

In another motion, the Robertsons argued that Princeton had acknowledged in court to misspending more than $17 million, and they demanded that sum be returned without a trial. Judge Shuster said the university should return only $62,500 -- which the school yesterday termed a "clerical error" -- but left the rest to be decided at trial. In March, Princeton University said it would reimburse $782,375 to the foundation because of "inadequate disclosure" to the Robertsons.

Ronald Malone, the lead attorney for the Robertsons, called the judge's rulings "a huge victory for donors everywhere." Douglas S. Eakeley, Princeton's lawyer, said the judge's reasoning had largely been favorable to the school and that university officials would prove at trial they had been "faithful stewards" of the Robertson gift and "had magnificently advanced" its mission.
The Robertsons have spent about $20 million in pursuing the lawsuit, and Princeton has spent $22 million defending itself. No trial date has been set.
Write to John Hechinger at john.hechinger@wsj.com

jueves, 25 de octubre de 2007

SCOTUSblog: Indemnización por "robo de esposa" en EEUU

Tuesday, October 23rd, 2007 6:27 pm Lyle Denniston
The age-old wrong of stealing another man’s wife — “alienation of affection” — is still recognized in six states, while being wholly or mostly abolished in 31 others. It traces its origins back at least to the Teutonic tribes of early Germany in the 10th Century. Now, a well-to-do businessman from Mississippi, facing a verdict of $754,500 for “alienating the affections” of the wife of a plumber, is asking the Supreme Court to impose a constitutional ban on such verdicts at least when they are used to punish the forbidden conduct. Asking for a stay of a Mississippi Supreme Court ruling upholding the full verdict, Jerry Fitch, Sr., of Holly Springs, Miss., plans to file his formal appeal this week. Although he tried to undo the entire damages award in state court, his appeal to the Supreme Court challenges only the $112,500 portion of the verdict that a jury awarded as “punitive damages.”

Fitch’s application for a stay is docketed as 07A324, Fitch v. Valentine. It is pending before Justice Antonin Scalia, as the Circuit Justice for emergency matters arising in Mississippi and other states of the Fifth Circuit. This case, it asserts, “presents an important question of Constitutional law.” The stay application can be downloaded here.

The claim is that the Constitution’s guarantee of due process forbids “state sanctioned punishment of extramarital conduct part and parcel to a loving relationship.” The punishment part of the verdict against him, the document contends, is an “arbitrary deprivation of property” because it is “based on a presumption of malice arising out of otherwise lawful conduct.”
The application stresses that Fitch is not claiming there is “a Constitutional right to adultery,” and that he “is not urging a prohibition on all attempts by the state to foster traditional forms of marital relationships.” It contends that “short term sexual liaisons, lacking the hallmarks of a deep intimate interpersonal component may be subject to state interference justified by less compelling reasons than should be manifest here.” Fitch noted that he married the woman involved, Sandra Day (formerly Sandra Valentine, now Sandra Fitch). While their relationship was “adulterous at the start,” the application says, “there was never any proof adduced that Mr. Fitch had no real affection and love for Sandra during the relationship.”

Sandra Day and Johnny Valentine, a plumber, had what apparently was a rocky marriage, with repeated complaints by her about gambling and drinking. They were still married when she went to work for Jerry Fitch, who has interests in the oil and real estate businesses in Marshall County and, according to the state Supreme Court, has a net worth of about $22 million. After Sandra became pregnant, Johnny Valentine grew suspicious, and when a daughter was born, had a test done that showed he was not the father.

He filed for divorce, and it was granted, on grounds of adultery. He sued Fitch in state court in December 1999, arguing that the marriage was normal until Sandra began working for Fitch. Fitch initially denied having sexual relations with Sandra, being the child’s father, or giving money to support the child. In later court filings, he admitted the relationship and his parentage. The jury in the case ruled for Valentine, and awarded $642,000 in compensatory damages and $112,500 in punitive damages. That is the amount Fitch now owes, plus 8 percent annual interest, if the verdict is not overturned.

In upholding the verdict in full, the Mississippi Supreme Court spent little effort on the constitutional due process claim. Initially, it said Fitch had not properly raised the issue, but it went ahead and considered it on the merits, and rejected the challenge. The procedural flaw “notwithstanding,” the state court said, “this Court has consistently recognized punitive damages as a legitimate form of relief in alienation of affections cases.” (Along the way, the state Supreme Court rejected a plea by Fitch, which he does not renew in his Supreme Court challenge, to abolish the common law tort of alienation of affections as outdated.) The Mississippi Supreme Court ruling on the dispute, which it called “a classic ‘he said’/’she said’/'the paramour said’ case,”, can be found here.

In his stay application, Fitch contends that the Supreme Court left open the punitive issue he is now raising when the Justices, in 2003, decided the case of Lawrence v. Texas, barring criminal prosecution for homosexual conduct between consenting adults in private. But the Court’s precedents, he argues, have “long recognized the personal liberty interests in jeopardy when a state actively interferes in the consensual adult sexual activity of its citizens.”

SCOTUSblog: Supremo examinará constitucionalidad de inyección letal

Wednesday, October 24th, 2007 7:11 pm Lyle Denniston
The Supreme Court’s announced plan to rule on the constitutionality of the three-chemical formula for carrying out execution by lethal injection was interpreted by the Eleventh Circuit Court on Wednesday to indicate that other executions by that method should be delayed pending a ruling by the Justices. In another development on Wednesday, a death row inmate in Mississippi asked the Supreme Court to delay his death sentence by lethal drugs. Mississippi’s state Supreme Court does not read the Supreme Court’s action as a signal to postepone all executions by that method.

The Justices’ agreement on Sept. 25 to rule on the protocol used in 36 states to carry out lethal injections has led to a patchwork of reactions in lower courts, but the clearly emerging trend is to delay executions while awaiting a final word from the Supreme Court (in the Kentucky case of Baze v. Rees, 07-5439]. The Justices themselves have several times kept executions from occurring, but have yet to indicate whether they intend to stop them all while the Baze case is under review.

Their next chance will be the Mississippi case, filed Wednesday by lawyers for Earl Wesley Berry, who is scheduled to be executed at 6 p.m. next Tuesday (Berry v. Mississippi, stay application 07A334, certiorari petition 07-7275). In denying a stay in his case, the Mississippi Supreme Court said that “the Supreme Court of the United States has not yet indicated that, in cases of this posture [where an appeal to the Supreme Court on other issues was denied earlier this month], all executions by lethal injection should be stayed.” If the Justices stay this or other cases “to consider the issue” of lethal injection, it would comply, the state court said.

Meanwhile, the Eleventh Circuit Court, in the case of Siebert v. Allen (07-295) an Alabama case, imposed a stay of execution, saying it was doing so because “the Supreme Court is presently considering the constitutionality of the challenged lethal injection protocol in Baze v. Rees.” While the state had contended that it has altered somewhat its lethal injection protocol, the Eleventh Circuit apparently did not consider that a reason to allow the execution to go forward.

martes, 23 de octubre de 2007

The Wall Street Journal: ONG, financiación del terrorismo

Mistrial Hurts Bid to Thwart Funding of Extremists

By GLENN R. SIMPSON and EVAN PEREZOctober 23, 2007; Page A8
In a setback for the government's efforts to cut off fund raising for Islamic extremists, a federal judge in Dallas declared a mistrial on most charges in the largest U.S. terror-financing case.
Prosecutors are expected to retry the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development and five of its leaders after an unusual courtroom dispute when three jurors disagreed with some of the acquittals being read by a jury foreman.

U.S. District Judge A. Joe Fish sent the jurors back to resolve their differences, but after about an hour the jurors told him 11 of the 12 felt that a unanimous decision couldn't be reached on most of the charges. The jury had agreed on some acquittals. But on the others the judge declared a mistrial.

The Justice Department, citing a gag order by the judge, declined to comment. Defense lawyers said the mistrial showed the government's case is fatally flawed.

It isn't clear whether the collapse of the case will affect how the Justice Department handles other pending cases involving alleged terror actions. One such case involves the Islamic American/African Relief Agency, which, along with five of its employees, was indicted earlier this year on charges including money laundering and violating sanctions against Iraq, prior to the U.S. invasion. The Treasury Department designated the charity as a terror group.

The Holy Land foundation was one of the biggest Islamic charities in the U.S. before it was raided and shut down by the Treasury Department in December 2001. It said that it focused on disaster relief, and aiding Muslim children and families left homeless or poor by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

FBI agents and Israeli officials, however, testified in the two-month trial that Holy Land funneled millions of dollars to Hamas, which has carried out suicide bombings in Israel. The U.S. government designated Hamas a terrorist group in 1995, making financial transactions with it illegal. President Bush announced the seizure of Holy Land's assets in December 2001, calling the action "another step in the war on terrorism."

Prosecutors put on a lengthy, complex case alleging a wide-ranging conspiracy by Islamic militants stretching back to the 1980s. Charges included material support for a terrorist organization, money laundering, racketeering and tax violations.

Defense lawyers said the activists were seeking to provide humanitarian aid to their distressed brethren in Gaza and the West Bank, and emphasized the lack of any direct connection between money raised in the U.S. and suicide bombings in Israel.

The case was closely followed by other Islamic groups in the U.S. and the greater Islamic community, which says Muslims in this country have come under unfair scrutiny since the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks.

"It seems clear that the majority of the jury agreed with many observers of the trial who believe the charges were built on fear, not facts, " said Parvez Ahmed, chairman of the Council on American-Islamic Relations. "This is a stunning defeat for prosecutors and a victory for America's legal system."

Prosecutors believe they may have relied too heavily on witnesses and evidence from Israel that was discounted by the jury, and that the prosecution was unnecessarily complex when the laws are written broadly enough to present various acts as clear and simple violations, according to a person familiar with their thinking.

"Conspiracy theories just don't go over well in jury cases," counterterrorism analyst Douglas Farah said.

Write to Glenn R. Simpson at glenn.simpson@wsj.com and Evan Perez at evan.perez@wsj.com

The Wall Street Journal: Asesores contables y estrategias tributarias

Inside Wal-Mart's BidTo Slash State Taxes
Ernst & Young Devises Complex Strategies;California Pushes Back

By JESSE DRUCKEROctober 23, 2007; Page A1
In May 2001, Wal-Mart Stores Inc. issued an appeal to big accounting firms: Find us creative new ways to cut our state tax bills.

Ernst & Young LLP swung into action. Senior tax experts at the big accounting firm swapped ideas via email and in a series of meetings. At least one gathering, according to an internal Ernst & Young calendar, took place in Wal-Mart's headquarters in the "Tax Shelter Room."

Wal-Mart decided to hire Ernst & Young to help devise complex tax strategies to use in at least four big states. The accounting firm, for example, helped Wal-Mart take tax deductions in California for dividends it never actually paid. And in Texas, Ernst & Young advised, the giant retailer could exploit a wrinkle in the tax law involving limited partners from out-of-state -- a maneuver subsequently shut down by the state's legislature.

Big companies hardly ever discuss how outside accountants, lawyers and investment bankers help them cut their tax bills. But Ernst & Young's contributions to Wal-Mart's state-tax minimization project are outlined in a raft of documents filed in recent months in North Carolina state court, where the state's attorney general is challenging a Wal-Mart tax-cutting structure involving real-estate investment trusts. The material, which includes company emails and memos, provides a rare window into accountants' role in generating tax-reduction ideas at one major company.

Companies often assert that tax savings are simply happy byproducts of transactions pursued for other business reasons. But documents from the North Carolina case indicate that Wal-Mart, from the outset, had one primary purpose: cutting its state income taxes. Ernst & Young worked to fulfill that goal. In 2002, for example, the accounting firm delivered a 37-page proposal laying out a smorgasbord of 27 potential tax strategies, most tailored to a particular state's tax code. It described one of them as "a very aggressive strategy with considerable risk."

Lawmakers and law-enforcement officials have taken a keen interest in tax advice provided by the Big Four accounting firms and other consultants. In August, U.S. Senate investigators sent letters to at least 30 companies asking for details of potentially aggressive tax arrangements, including the names of tax professionals and law firms that advised on the deals. In May, four current and former Ernst & Young partners were indicted for their tax-shelter work. Two years ago, KPMG LLP agreed to pay $456 million to settle government charges that it promoted abusive shelters to individual taxpayers.

Publicly traded companies reduced their federal income taxes by about $12 billion in 2004 through potentially abusive tax transactions, according to Internal Revenue Service data. Some experts say companies save far more than that each year through elaborate tax-cutting maneuvers.

A Wal-Mart spokesman, citing ongoing litigation, declined to comment on any of the tax work by Ernst & Young, which also set up the tax maneuver that North Carolina has challenged. In court papers, Bentonville, Ark.-based Wal-Mart has said that some transactions implemented by Ernst & Young were intended to cut taxes, but also to more efficiently manage its real estate and potentially help raise capital. A spokesman for Ernst & Young says the tax deals for Wal-Mart "occurred years ago when such tax structures were not uncommon."

Cookie-Cutter Shelters
Tax-enforcement authorities often regard complex corporate transactions that serve no business purpose other than to reduce taxes to be improper tax shelters. In recent years, authorities have cracked down on cookie-cutter tax shelters mass marketed by accounting and law firms. But these days, it is common for advisers to help large companies such as Wal-Mart to develop individually tailored tax-cutting strategies, according to people who work on such deals.
Wal-Mart's 2001 letter to accounting firms got right to the point. It began: "Wal-Mart is requesting your proposal(s) for professional tax advice and related implementation services in connection with minimization of state income taxes in the following states: Arizona, California, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, and Pennsylvania."

State income-tax rates for corporations average about 6.9%, and come on top of a federal statutory rate of 35%. Tax rates vary from state to state, and some states have no corporate tax at all on certain income. That provides ample opportunity for so-called tax arbitrage, in which companies allocate expenses and revenues between states in order to minimize taxes owed. That practice has been going on for decades. Some such strategies are perfectly legal. The government considers others to be abusive. States often try to crack down, but the tax-enforcement staffs of many states are smaller than the tax departments of some big companies.
Wal-Mart set aside about $526 million for state and local income taxes last year, not including its substantial property-tax bills, according to the company's financial reports. But its various state tax-cutting strategies seem to have had an impact. On average, Wal-Mart has paid taxes at a rate equal to about half of the average statutory state rate over the past decade, according to an analysis of the company's regulatory filings by Standard & Poor's Compustat.

Wal-Mart has switched state income-tax strategies several times over the past 15 years, coming up with new approaches as states attack existing ones, court records show. In the early 1990s, it employed an "intangibles holding company," a unit operating in tax-friendly Delaware into which it transferred ownership of its brand names such as Sam's Club. It then made payments to that unit for use of those brands, deducting them as expenses from its taxable income in other states, according to court records. That strategy fell out of favor after several states successfully challenged Wal-Mart and other companies in court over the maneuver.

About a decade ago, Wal-Mart adopted another approach, following advice from Ernst & Young. Wal-Mart transferred ownership of its stores to various in-house real-estate investment trusts. REITs pay no corporate income tax as long as they pay out at least 90% of their income to shareholders as dividends, which are usually taxed. Wal-Mart paid tax-deductible rent to those REITs. For one four-year period, the setup saved the retailer an estimated $230 million on its tax bill, even though the rent payments never left the company.

That strategy was the focus of a Wall Street Journal article in February. Since then, at least six states, including New York, Illinois, Maryland and Rhode Island, have passed laws attempting to prohibit the maneuver, which also has been used by banks and other retailers such as AutoZone Inc. The practice is being challenged by tax authorities in at least four other states, court records show.
After Wal-Mart hired the firm in 1996 to implement the REIT strategy, an Ernst & Young tax executive urged his team to be discreet, according to a staff memo included in North Carolina court records. "We don't think there is much the state taxing authorities can do to mitigate these savings to Wal-Mart, however some states might attempt something if they had advance notification," he wrote. "We think the best course of action is to keep the project relatively quiet....there just seems to be too many opportunities for it to get out to the press or financial community and we all know they are difficult to control, particularly when we are dealing with a client as well-known as Wal-Mart."

David Bullington, Wal-Mart's vice president for tax policy, said in a deposition that he began feeling pressure to lower the company's effective tax rate after the current chief financial officer, Thomas Schoewe, was hired in 2000. Mr. Schoewe was familiar with "some very sophisticated and aggressive tax planning," Mr. Bullington said, according to a transcript of the deposition, taken by the North Carolina attorney general's office in July. "And he ride herds [sic] on us all the time that we have the world's highest tax rate of any major company."

Compared with many other large multinational companies, Wal-Mart has a small presence in foreign countries with low tax rates, reducing opportunities to shift income overseas for tax purposes.

The May 2001 invitation to provide advice came from Wal-Mart's then senior director for income tax, Wyman Atwell. Most of the states he named in the letter had provisions in their tax codes that prevented the REIT strategy from easily providing tax benefits, according to several people familiar with the matter.

In addition to advising Wal-Mart on tax issues, Ernst & Young served as its outside auditor, which meant that its accountants had to pass judgment on advice rendered by colleagues who did the tax work. That's permissible for accounting firms, so long as tax-consulting fees aren't contingent on a client's tax savings. Rules instituted in 2005 prohibit accounting firms from pitching certain types of "aggressive" tax structures to audit clients. An Ernst & Young spokesman said the work for Wal-Mart "complied fully with the independence rules at the time regarding tax advice provided to audit clients."

'Domestic Restructuring'
As Ernst & Young worked on its proposals, one high-ranking tax partner sent an email to a colleague addressing a concern often faced by companies: how to describe a tax-driven transaction in a way that won't create problems later on with tax authorities. "You asked if we have a document that details how the tax savings will work, how much they will save....We really don't have anything like that except for the sales document, partly because we have avoided calling this a 'tax' project, to show that we did not have a tax savings motivation, rather it is a 'domestic restructuring' project," he wrote.

That November, Ernst & Young sent Wal-Mart an "engagement letter" to confirm the scope of its work to cut the company's state tax burden. The letter said the accounting firm's fees would be at least $2.5 million, with potential additional fees to be determined later.

California was a key state for Ernst & Young's project. Its tax system is among the most stringent in the country. Many states only tax income from operations within their own borders -- called the separate-reporting method -- which makes it easier for companies to shift taxable income out of reach of tax authorities in those states. But "combined reporting" states such as California total up all profits of a company's domestic or world-wide operations, regardless of what state they're in, then allocate a portion of those profits to their states.

Ernst & Young dreamed up a novel way to sidestep combined-reporting requirements in California. It used an unusual type of dividend to transfer income from one subsidiary to another in such a way that the second unit wouldn't be taxed.

Here's how it worked: When REITs pay dividends to their shareholders, they can deduct those payments from their taxable income. The federal government permits REITs to take deductions for dividends before they're actually paid -- a provision intended to give them extra time to make payments. Such dividends are called "consent dividends" because the recipients must consent to record the unpaid dividends as taxable income.

Ernst & Young argued that California law permitted REITs to deduct such consent dividends, but that the state law didn't also require recipients of the consent dividends to count them as taxable income, according to one person who worked on the transactions. The accounting firm proposed a strategy in which the Wal-Mart REIT would claim a tax deduction for paying consent dividends to its parent, but the unit receiving the dividends wouldn't record them as income for tax purposes. The bottom line: Wal-Mart could reduce its taxable income in California by an amount equal to the total consent dividend payments it recorded, thereby cutting its tax bill.

Two years later, California's Franchise Tax Board, the state's income-tax agency, put the strategy on its list of "Abusive Tax Shelters." Wal-Mart's Mr. Bullington said in his deposition that California tax authorities have protested various tax benefits taken by the retailer since 1998. California also is in litigation with a big bank, City National Corp., over a similar strategy.
Out-of-State Partner

In Texas, Ernst & Young helped Wal-Mart set up a somewhat more common tax-cutting vehicle. Under Texas law at the time, a limited partner from out of state was exempt from Texas's corporate franchise tax. As a result, scores of companies, including Wal-Mart, reorganized their Texas operations into limited partnerships. The general partner, which was subject to state taxation, was typically a subsidiary based in Texas. But the limited partner, often owning as much as 99.9% of the entity, would be based in Delaware or another tax-friendly state. The result: up to 99.9% of the profits of the Texas operation would flow to that out-of-state limited partner, making that income tax-free.

Texas's state legislature eliminated that option when it revamped its tax laws earlier this year.
Wal-Mart also agreed to buy other complex tax shelters from Ernst & Young to cut taxes in Arizona and Michigan, the court documents show. One Ernst & Young document said Wal-Mart would cut its state income taxes by about $18 million, although that document didn't make clear the time period or the states included in that figure.

In August 2002, Ernst & Young proffered the new list of 27 additional tax-cutting approaches. It isn't clear if Wal-Mart adopted any of them. One of the proposals was accompanied by the following warning: "Note that in a 'post-Enron' environment and amidst the focus on 'tax haven' operations, this strategy is expected to get more scrutiny by the IRS, as well as some states."

As for Wal-Mart's "Tax Shelter Room," North Carolina officials asked Mr. Bullington about the odd name. In his deposition, the Wal-Mart vice president said the moniker was "a bit of a pun," stemming from the conference room's use by tax-department employees to conduct safety drills for natural disasters such as tornadoes.

Wal-Mart, he said, no longer has a room by that name.
Write to Jesse Drucker at jesse.drucker@wsj.com

lunes, 22 de octubre de 2007

The New York Times: Libertad de opinión ante la justicia

Say What You Like, Just Don’t Say It Here

By ADAM LIPTAK
Published: October 22, 2007
The American commitment to free speech is the most robust in the world. But these days that tolerance stops at the border.
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Harry Campbell
SidebarAdam Liptak’s column about the legal world appears on Mondays. Columnist Page »
Decision in Tariq Ramadan Case (aclu.org)
Indictment in Javed Iqbal and Saleh Elahwal Case (pdf)

Two cases pending in federal court in Manhattan will soon test how far the government can go in keeping Americans safe from what a State Department manual calls the “irresponsible expressions of opinion by prominent aliens.”

One case concerns a decision by the Bush administration to bar a Muslim scholar from visiting the United States. The other is a criminal prosecution of two Brooklyn businessmen for transmitting Hezbollah’s television station on their satellite service.

The government’s actions in these cases are reminiscent, civil liberties groups say, of another era. For about four decades that coincided roughly with the cold war, the United States routinely barred intellectuals and literary figures from visiting here based on their political views. Graham Greene, Gabriel García Márquez and Doris Lessing were all excluded.

There may be something to be said for avoiding face-to-face encounters with shaggy leftists — the cigarette smoke, for starters, and the jargon, and the complacent moral superiority. But in largely repealing the law on ideological exclusion in 1990, Congress seemed to suggest that Americans could be trusted to make those decisions for themselves.

The spirit of the old law, the McCarran-Walter Act, was revived after the Sept. 11 attacks. The USA Patriot Act of 2001, for instance, allowed the government to deny visas to people who had used their “position of prominence within any country to endorse or espouse terrorist activity.”
The government invoked that law in 2004 when it denied a work visa to Tariq Ramadan, a Swiss philosopher and Muslim intellectual. As a consequence, Professor Ramadan had to give up a teaching appointment at, in the words of The Guardian newspaper, “that hotbed of Muslim extremism, the University of Notre Dame in Indiana.”

In the three years preceding the denial, Professor Ramadan had visited the United States 24 times, lecturing at Dartmouth, Harvard and Princeton — and the State Department.
Three academic and literary groups sued the government last year over the denial, saying they had a First Amendment right to hear from Professor Ramadan. “There is something so dangerous in keeping writers out of the country because they don’t support the government,” said Francine Prose, the president of the PEN American Center, one of the plaintiffs. “Tariq Ramadan is the voice of reason, of logic, of toleration and common sense.”

After the suit was filed, the government changed its rationale for excluding Professor Ramadan, now saying that he had contributed about $1,300 to a charity in Switzerland from 1998 to 2002. That charity, later designated a terrorist organization by the Treasury Department, in turn made contributions to Hamas, which had already been designated one. Professor Ramadan’s second-hand contribution amounted to material support for terrorism, the government said.
Excluding Professor Ramadan “in no way restricts speech,” government lawyers wrote in a brief in the case in May. He remains free to say what he likes, they continued, and Americans remain free to hear what he has to say. Just not in person in the United States.

Judge Paul A. Crotty — a federal district judge in Manhattan who was New York City’s chief lawyer under Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani — will hold a hearing in the case on Thursday. In an earlier decision, he said the principles at stake were crucial ones.

“The First Amendment includes not only a right to speak, but also a right to receive information and ideas,” Judge Crotty wrote last year. That includes a right, he continued, quoting a Supreme Court decision, “to have an alien enter and to hear him explain and seek to defend his views.”
Lawyers for the defendants in the television case, Javed Iqbal and Saleh Elahwal, say the case against them, similarly, is “nothing less than a full frontal assault on the fundamental values inscribed in the First Amendment.” The men are charged with providing material support to Hezbollah, the radical Islamic Shiite group in Lebanon, by making its television station, Al Manar, available in the United States.

In a brief filed in July, the government said, in an echo of the Ramadan case, that the satellite case was only about business dealings and “has nothing to do with speech, expression or advocacy,” adding that “the defendants remain free to speak out in favor of Hezbollah and its political objectives.” But they may not transmit Al Manar’s message.

Defense lawyers noted that Fox News and CNN had also broadcast material from Al Manar.
“There is a vast difference,” the government responded, “between airing excerpts of footage from Al Manar to illustrate a news event and providing equipment and facilities which allow for the uninterrupted transmission of Al Manar’s broadcasts.” Fox News, moreover, “did not fully broadcast the audio” and “talked over the video.”

There are, of course, a lot of foolish and evil ideas in the world. The United States has generally leaned in the direction of confronting and rebutting those ideas rather than trying to suppress them, though it has been more equivocal in wartime and after terrorist attacks.

The question before the judges considering the two cases is thus a difficult one. What role should the First Amendment play when foreigners are doing the talking and the topic may be terror?
Online: Court documents and an archive of Adam Liptak’s articles: nytimes.com/adamliptak.

The Wall Street Journal: Fraude de la comida en Irak

U.S. Rebuffed Food-Fraud Case

By GLENN R. SIMPSON October 22, 2007; Page A6
The Justice Department received allegations in June 2006 of illegal dealings between a major army contractor in Kuwait and a U.S. food producer but ultimately declined to support the case.
The previously sealed civil lawsuit, seen by The Wall Street Journal, alleges that Public Warehousing Co. of Kuwait received kickbacks from Richmond Wholesale Meat Co. "in exchange for retaining Richmond and allowing Richmond to charge higher prices than other potential subcontractors."

SUPPLY CHAIN

• The Decision: The Justice Department in February declined to support a case alleging fraud by a U.S. food producer and Kuwait-based supplier to the U.S. Army.

• The Context: The rejection came a month after Justice issued grand jury subpoenas in a criminal investigation based on similar allegations.

The Justice Department's civil division declined to support the lawsuit this February, a month after Justice issued subpoenas in a criminal investigation of Public Warehousing based on similar allegations about its dealings with other U.S. food companies.

The lawsuit, filed in federal court in Philadelphia by an Iowa businesswoman, alleged collusion "to overcharge the U.S. government by millions of dollars."

Alan Grayson, lawyer for Iowa pork trader Beth Hanken and her firm Midwest Ventures Inc., said Justice told him it turned down the case for insufficient evidence.
Mr. Grayson said the Justice Department's civil division has turned down at least 13 civil False Claims Act cases involving Iraq War contracting fraud.

The Justice Department said it had declined to support some cases involving Iraq contracting fraud, but didn't say how many.

"The department is currently conducting a number of investigations into allegations of fraud and potential civil False Claims Act cases stemming from the work of government contractors in Iraq and the Middle East," spokesman Charles Miller said in a written statement. "The department takes such allegations seriously and is dedicating substantial resources to investigating these cases thoroughly and aggressively."

The Justice Department declined to address the details of Ms. Hanken's case. "We cannot provide any further comment on any ongoing government investigation," Mr. Miller said.
The case isn't on the electronic public-court docket. A federal judge ordered it to be unsealed if Justice declined to take the case.

Under the Civil-War era False Claims Act, U.S. citizens can file cases, known as qui tam suits, to recover money stolen from the U.S. government. The Justice Department then has the option of joining the case, and any settlement is shared among the plaintiffs, with the bulk going to the government.

Public Warehousing "has never been served with a qui tam complaint and, until we are served, we must assume that any complaint that has been filed remains under court seal," the firm said. "Therefore it would be inappropriate and a violation of the law for PWC to comment."

The company issued a statement saying reports last week on the federal criminal probe of its pricing practices were "inaccurate" and contained "misinformation," because the government helps set and approve all of its prices. The company confirmed it is under investigation for fraud.
A top official at Richmond Wholesale hasn't responded to messages seeking comment. No one at the company could be reached yesterday.

The official at Justice responsible for deciding whether to pursue False Claims Act cases has until recently been Peter Keisler, a Bush appointee who is acting attorney general and a nominee for a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.

Mr. Grayson, a Democrat who ran unsuccessfully for Congress last year, alleges that Mr. Keisler has turned down numerous Iraq fraud cases to protect the administration from political damage.
Justice said that isn't true. "Although we cannot comment on the number of cases that are under investigation or under seal, or on the investigations and the manner in which they are being investigated, we do not agree with any statement that might suggest that the Department is not giving these cases due consideration for political or other improper reasons, and there is no support for such a conclusion," Mr. Miller said.

Justice said it has reached four Iraq-related fraud settlements for a total of $14 million in more than four years of the war, which has cost taxpayers more than $450 billion. Officials insist efforts to recover stolen funds are in the works.

"Simply because some cases alleging fraud in Iraq have been declined does not mean that there is fraud that has been ignored, nor does it mean that there are not other matters that contain meritorious allegations that are being investigated and pursued," Mr. Miller said.
Ms. Hanken was in Kuwait on business when Iraq invaded in 1990, before the first Gulf War, and was briefly held captive by Iraqi troops. After her release she campaigned for the liberation of Kuwait and testified before Congress.

"I didn't do that so PWC could rip off American taxpayers," she said in an interview. "I am sick of getting jerked around."

Ms. Hanken alleges that Richmond and Public Warehousing executives sabotaged her efforts to sell meat products to the military by colluding to produce disparaging information about her company's products and performance. She alleged that "Richmond is overcharging PWC for meat products and PWC is overcharging the government."

Agents from the Pentagon, the Internal Revenue Service, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation are probing whether Public Warehousing passed on to the government improperly high prices from U.S. food producers in return for incentive payments from those producers and their agents.

Ms. Hanken alleges that an official at the Defense Supply Center of Philadelphia, a Pentagon contracting agency, improperly provided a copy of her complaint to the chief executive of Public Warehousing, prompting the Kuwaiti firm to threaten to sue her for defamation. Reached at home recently the official, Gary Shifton, declined to speak to a reporter.
Write to Glenn R. Simpson at glenn.simpson@wsj.com

The Wall Street Journal: Coca-cola se defiende de Class Action

Coke Tries New Defense
Firm Hopes to UsePlea in Lerach CaseTo Its Advantage

By PETER LATTMANOctober 22, 2007; Page A12
In a move being watched by large-company lawyers, Coca-Cola Co. is trying to use the impending guilty plea of attorney William Lerach to scuttle a seven-year-old securities-fraud lawsuit against the beverage giant.

In papers filed this month, Coke asked a federal judge in Atlanta to deny class-action status to the case, saying Mr. Lerach "entered into a plea agreement admitting that he participated in a criminal conspiracy to obstruct justice in securities cases just like this one." Mr. Lerach originally filed the case in 2000.

Class-action suits let individuals band together to pursue big defendants with more power than they could on their own. A court will award class-action status only if the case meets several criteria, including whether the plaintiff's attorney can adequately represent the entire shareholder class. Denial of class-action status is a big win for defendants, as few individual plaintiffs have the economic incentive to continue litigation on their own.

Mr. Lerach and his former colleagues made a name for themselves pursuing class-action suits against corporations. Last year his former firm, now called Milberg Weiss LLP, was indicted on charges of paying illegal kickbacks to clients; last month Mr. Lerach agreed to plead guilty in the case (he faces the prospect of one to two years in prison). While the Milberg firm and name partner Melvyn Weiss are fighting charges, two other ex-Milberg partners also recently pleaded guilty.

Lately, lawyers for corporations have been speculating as to what the pleas might mean, if anything, for class-action suits brought by the lawyers' firms. The Coke lawsuit is one of the first examples of a defendant putting the issue before a judge.

"Plaintiffs' counsel have engaged in the same sort of tactics in this case that [Milberg partner David Bershad and Mr. Lerach have now admitted in other similar cases," wrote Coke's lawyers at King & Spalding LLP in Atlanta, alleging that the plaintiffs concealed payments to expert witnesses in the case. The motion was reported last week in the Fulton County Daily Report.
A spokesman for Coughlin Stoia Geller Rudman & Robbins LLP, where Mr. Lerach worked from 2004 until his recent retirement, said Coca-Cola's "act of desperation will fizzle like New Coke." (Mr. Lerach worked at Milberg Weiss until 2004, when he split off from Milberg Weiss and formed the firm now known as Coughlin Stoia. He took the Coke case with him.)
Legal experts don't think corporations will commonly use this tactic against Coughlin Stoia, in large part because Mr. Lerach has retired, and his plea agreement states that the government won't prosecute the Coughlin firm. But they say that Milberg and its leader Mr. Weiss, which are operating under the cloud of the indictment, could be more vulnerable to such attacks.
Milberg didn't respond to requests for comment.

Since the indictment of Milberg, other plaintiffs firms have cited the criminal allegations in trying to remove Milberg from the lucrative lead-counsel post in several cases, with mixed success. In March, a federal judge in Boston refused to certify a class in a securities-fraud lawsuit Milberg Weiss brought against Organogenesis Inc. in part because of the firm's indictment.

Last week, in a securities-fraud lawsuit against Midway Games Inc., a federal judge in Chicago rejected the notion that Coughlin Stoia was inadequate to serve as lead counsel in light of Mr. Lerach's agreement to plead guilty.

"The fact that one former attorney in the firm pled to fraud and activities he engaged in while at another firm does not give rise to impropriety or inadequacy for Coughlin Stoia in the present case," said Judge David Coar.

The shareholders allege that Coke committed accounting fraud in the late 1990s through a practice known as "channel stuffing" -- increasing revenue by shipping excess concentrate to bottlers. A Coke spokeswoman said the allegations are false and baseless.
Write to Peter Lattman at peter.lattman@wsj.com

viernes, 19 de octubre de 2007

Washington Post: Funcionarios públicos y campañas políticas

The Hatch Act Meets the Digital Age

By Stephen Barr Friday, October 19, 2007; Page D04
The presidential campaign season is underway, so be careful what you do and say in the federal workplace -- especially in an e-mail.

That was the key warning at a Senate hearing yesterday on the Hatch Act, which prohibits certain political activities in the federal workplace.

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Sending or even forwarding an e-mail on your government computer that advocates the election or defeat of a political candidate can put you in violation of the law and possibly get you fired, federal officials said.

The Hatch Act, passed in 1939, restricts the political activities of federal employees, giving them a shield to ward off pressure from their supervisors or political bosses. Yesterday's hearing examined the law, how it is enforced and whether it may be too rigid in the age of the Internet.
Federal employees still cannot engage in political activity while on duty, in a government office, using a government vehicle or wearing an official uniform. They cannot run for office in a partisan election. They also cannot use their official authority to interfere with an election, and they cannot solicit or receive political contributions.

In 1993, Congress eased some of the restrictions to permit federal employees to take an active role in political campaigns. The changes have allowed federal employees outside of office hours to manage political campaigns, serve as delegates to political conventions, organize fundraisers and distribute brochures for a political party on Election Day outside polling places.

The 1993 amendments, however, were put in place before the Internet, e-mail and YouTube videos began transforming how Americans communicate and go about their work. It's not uncommon these days for employees to swap e-mails that lampoon politicians and political parties, and, depending on how they are read, suggest how votes should be cast.

"The line between casual 'water-cooler' conversation and political activity that is not permitted may be unclear to many employees," said Sen. Daniel K. Akaka (D-Hawaii), who called yesterday's hearing as chairman of the Senate federal workforce subcommittee.

"Does inviting a few work friends to a campaign rally after work violate the Hatch Act? Does it matter if an employee asks his friends by e-mailing, rather than while chatting in the break room?" Akaka asked.

Officials from the Office of Special Counsel, which investigates and prosecutes Hatch Act allegations, said they make determinations of violations on a case-by-case basis, looking at the content of the message, who sent the e-mail and how many people received the e-mail from the government computer.

James Byrne, deputy special counsel, said the agency has seen an increase in e-mails involving partisan activities since the 2000 election. Because e-mails can be forwarded, they can take on a life that goes far beyond a chat among friends, he suggested.
When it comes to the Hatch Act, he told Akaka, "There is no such animal as the water-cooler exception."
E-mails advocating on behalf of political candidates appear to be a relatively small problem, at least for now.

Chad Bungard, general counsel at the Merit Systems Protection Board, indicated in his testimony that only four e-mail cases related to Hatch Act violations have come before the board. The board usually hears about 8,400 appeals from employees challenging agency decisions each year, but only 36 Hatch Act cases have been heard by the board during the last five years, he said.
include profanity or personal attacks or other inappropriate comments or material will be removed from the site. Additionally, entries that are unsigned or contain "signatures" by someone other than the actual author will be removed. Finally, we will take steps to block users who violate any of our posting standards, terms of use or privacy policies or any other policies governing this site. Please review the full rules governing commentaries and discussions. You are fully responsible for the content that you post.

Still, federal employee union leaders told Akaka that they think the Office of Special Counsel has chilled the expression of personal opinions on political subjects and candidates by seeking penalties that are too harsh for most transgressions. Too often, federal agencies and managers wield the law to block nonpartisan voter registration drives in federal buildings or to intimidate union officials, the labor leaders said.

"A one-time mistake by an employee with little or no impact on the workplace should not be punished in the same manner as partisan campaigning at the federal work site," said John Gage, president of the American Federation of Government Employees.

Colleen M. Kelley, president of the National Treasury Employees Union, lamented, "What happens in reality is that federal employees are often so confused about what is acceptable and what is not acceptable that they choose not to exercise their rights."